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Good and inclusive governance is imperative for Africa’s future

Among the seven key aspirations listed in Agenda 2063: The Africa We Want¹—the African Union’s (AU) shared 50-year development and transformation program for realizing the full potential of the continent—one stands out in its interconnectedness: “[a]n Africa of good governance, democracy, respect for human rights, justice and the rule of law”² [emphasis added]. The key to Africa’s political and economic transformation in the next decade is found in this aspiration. Indeed, as former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan said, “Good governance is perhaps the single most important factor in eradicating poverty and promoting development.”

Progress on good governance has been encouraging, but challenges remain

African countries continue to build on the governance gains that they have achieved since the early 1990s. According to the African Development Bank, good governance should be built on a foundation of (I) effective states, (ii) mobilized civil societies, and (iii) an efficient private sector. The key elements of good governance, then, are accountability, transparency, combating corruption, citizen participation, and an enabling legal/judicial framework.³

Since then, many African countries have undertaken institutional reforms that have significantly changed their governance architectures and put in place a new set of leaders. Since the early 1990s, for example, Ghana has diligently undertaken governance reforms, including the design and adoption of new democratic constitution, which places emphasis on the separation of powers with checks and balances to transform its political system. Ghana subsequently became a role model in the institutionalization of democratic rule, as illustrated by the quick acceptance of defeat by incumbent President John D. Mahama during the 2016 elections.

More broadly, over the past decade, Kenya, Morocco, and Côte d’Ivoire have led the way. The Ibrahim Index of African Governance indicates that between 2008 and 2017, these countries experienced significant improvements, particularly in overall governance. ⁴ Specifically, Côte d’Ivoire registered the greatest improvement in overall governance during the period 2008–2017 (+12.7 points), followed by Morocco (+7.3 points) and Kenya (+6.1 points).⁵

Fighting poverty and improving human development in Africa must begin with the creation of wealth, a process that requires the existence of a robust entrepreneurial class.

But Africa has a long way to go: Too many countries have not yet achieved the type of reforms that can prevent dictatorship, corruption, and economic decline. Due to continued sectarian violence, weak and ineffective leadership, and lack of political will, countries like the Central African Republic, Eritrea, Somalia, and South Sudan remain saddled by poor-functioning governance structures.⁶ The absence of good governance in many African countries has been extremely damaging to the government’s corrective intervention role, particularly in the maintenance of peace and security, as well as the promotion of economic growth and the creation of the wealth needed to confront poverty and improve human development.

Without good and inclusive governance, Africa will not achieve its social and economic targets

It is imperative that countries entrench mechanisms that promote constitutionalism, accountability, democracy, and good governance if Africa is to achieve its development goals. For example, although there has been a substantial decline in the share or proportion of Africans living in extreme poverty—from 54 percent in 1990 to 41 percent in 2015—the number of Africans living in poverty has actually increased from 278 million in 1990 to 413 million in 2015.⁷ Unless effective anti-poverty and pro-poor policies are implemented in African countries; global poverty will become increasingly African. Indeed, the least developed countries in the world (as determined by the United Nations Development Program’s Human Development Index) are also countries with relatively weak, dysfunctional, or ineffective governance structures (as determined by the Ibrahim Index of African Governance). These include the Central African Republic, Chad, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Libya, Somalia, South Sudan, and Sudan.⁸

Fighting poverty and improving human development in Africa must begin with the creation of wealth, a process that requires the existence of a robust entrepreneurial class. In order to achieve these goals, there must be peace and security—especially the peaceful coexistence of the various ethnocultural groups that inhabit each African country. Unfortunately, weak and dysfunctional governance structures continue to prevent many African countries from creating and sustaining the necessary enabling environment for peaceful coexistence, entrepreneurship, and wealth creation. In fact, in countries such as Cameroon, the DRC, and South Sudan, the absence of governance structures undergirded by the rule of law has failed to halt ethnic-induced violence. That violence stunts entrepreneurship and economic growth in these countries. Peace and security, which are a sine qua non for entrepreneurial activities and the creation of wealth, are unlikely to return to these countries without the provision of participatory and inclusive governance structures.

Weak governance manifests itself in other ways as well: Too often dysfunctional governance processes persist, creating environments where civil servants and political elites act with impunity, embezzling scarce public resources that could be used for education, healthcare, infrastructure, water treatment plants, electricity, farm-to-market roads, or technology. Elites are usually not incentivized to implement pro-poor economic programs that enhance the ability of the poor to participate productively and gainfully in economic growth, such as public investments in primary and secondary education, clean water, basic health care, and child nutrition.

Bolstering good and inclusive governance through 2030 and beyond

The type of governance structure that each African country should strive for over the next decade is one that should address peaceful coexistence and economic development, inequality, the effects of climate change, health pandemics, and enhanced regional cooperation, as well as ensure the full and effective participation in both the economic and political systems of groups that have historically been marginalized (e. g., women, youth, and ethnic and religious minorities). Each country must reflect upon its own governance challenges and engage in robust national dialogue on institutional reforms to enable an effective and inclusive governance system.

First, countries in or recovering from crises must engage in process-driven constitution-making to produce an agreed-upon governing process characterized by the separation of powers, with effective checks and balances, including a robust and politically active civil society; an independent judiciary; and a viable, free, and independent press. The process through which the constitution is designed and adopted must be participatory and inclusive enough to allow for all relevant stakeholder groups to participate—from the development of constitutional principles to the actual design and ratification of the constitution. It is especially important that historically marginalized groups be empowered to participate fully and effectively in the constitution-making process. Each country must also produce a set of constitutional principles to inform, guide, and constrain the drafters. Such principles should ensure that the constitution safeguards against abuses of power. Importantly, each constitution should have a robust amendment process, one that can effectively prevent the manipulation of the constitution by opportunistic executives to remain in power indefinitely, as we are currently experiencing in several countries.

The type of governance structure that each African country should strive for over the next decade is one that should address peaceful coexistence and economic development, inequality, the effects of climate change, health pandemics, and enhanced regional cooperation.

Second, the countries that have progressive and inclusive constitutions undergirded by the separation of powers, including Ghana, Kenya, and South Africa, should engage in national dialogues to help their citizens understand and better appreciate the importance of the constitution to governance generally and the protection of human rights in particular. Through this process, citizens can determine how to strengthen their national constitutions (e.g., add a Bill of Rights).

Third, all African countries, with the aid of civil society, should develop and implement education programs to help citizens understand and appreciate the constitution and its provisions, and recognize the law as a tool that they can use to organize their private lives and resolve their conflicts, including those arising from trade and other forms of exchange. Programs for empowering youth and women could be particularly fruitful.

Fourth, each African country should engage in regular dialogue, where necessary, to revisit such important governance issues as the centrality of human rights in the structure of the country’s constitution, as well as a strong and independent judiciary. Countries should also ensure that governance is inclusive of women and youth, who have historically been marginalized, as well as cultivate transformative leadership at all levels of government.

Finally, each country’s citizens, especially its legal and constitutional scholars, including those in the diaspora, should play an important role in shaping the institutional and legal environment for the transformation of Africa’s governance architecture during the next decade.

It is unlikely that the continent will be able to successfully and effectively implement and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals in 2030 or Agenda 2063 unless institutions are reformed to enforce good governance undergirded by the rule of law. The policies outlined will help the region accelerate good governance and support its economic transformation.

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Sons of Africa Banner — Loudoun Now

“Once let the black man get upon his person the brass letters, ‘U. S.’, let him get an eagle  on his button, and a musket on his shoulder and bullets in his pockets, and there is no power on earth which can deny that he has earned the right to citizenship in the United States.”
Frederick Douglass

Sons of Africa Banner
21st Infantry Regiment, United States Colored Troops (USCT)
(March 14, 1864 to April 25, 1866)

On July 17, 1862, Congress passed two acts allowing the enlistment of African Americans, but official enrollment occurred only after the September 1862, issuance of the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation.

Both free African-Americans and runaway slaves joined the fight.

Approximately 180,000 African Americans comprising 163 units served in the Union Army during the Civil War, and many more African Americans served in the Union Navy.   

Erasmus W. Jones, chaplain of the 21st USCT, had this banner made and when the unit was mustered out of service in April, 1866, Jones traveled throughout his native Wales displaying an extensive collection of slavery-related items, which included shackles, transport chains and collars, abolitionist broadsides and the “Sons of Africa” banner.   Jones was able to obtain sponsorship of his displays from Atlantic Monthly magazine and various other benefactors.

In 1887, Jones returned to the United States, settling in a Welsh-American community of Utica, New York until his death in 1909. His collection, however, remained in Wales under the care of John Samuel Gibbon and then Richard Thomas Samuels, Jones’ second cousin.

From 1920 to 1925, the Samuels’ family loaned much of Jones’ collection, including this banner, to Horrocks Museum in Manchester, England.  A prominent British textile firm, Horrocks had vast investments in cotton plantations in the Southern U.S. States prior to the Civil War.  After the war, the firm was anxious to erase the memory of its support for the Confederacy and its role in slavery.  In approximately 1926 or 1927, the banner and other pieces of the Jones collection were acquired by Steven Northcote.  Northcote sold the collection to a local merchant named David Fennel, in whose family the banner remained until 2002.

It is not known whether it was Norcotte or Fennel who provided the collection for a second gallery appearance that came in the late 1950’s, when the banner was loaned to the Chipping Barnet Museum in Middlesex, England.   

Beverly Hill took possession of the banner in 2003 and the current owners, Jay and Laurie Johnson purchased the banner in 2012.  The banner underwent a complete restoration and was secured in a frame to preserve its integrity.

The multi-media inner banner is resplendent with iconography relevant to American, Masonic and military traditions, all housed within the appliquéd design of a Greek-columned archway.   Much of the surface of this inner panel is raised, either in appliqué, embroidery, gilded twine, thick fabric or bullion wire. Its center consists of a large circular crest that is enclosed by an embroidered leaf pattern and anchored by prominent patch lettering of “FREEDOM” and “SONS OF AFRICA.”

Inside the crest is a billowing American flag gripped in the talons of an American eagle. The word “UNION” radiates from the back of the eagle, and a thin ribbon unfurls from its mouth with a small, most likely unfinished or slightly altered, notation of “This Flag…Preserve.”

Eagles are a popular theme, with appliquéd images of the Nation’s symbol appearing thrice on each end pillar of the design. The foundation of the pillared structure is edged with thinly plaited fringe and offers the infantry’s genesis in bold raised lettering, “CONSOLIDATED MARCH 1864”; a pair of streamers to the upper left and upper right of the central flag crest proudly wave the troops’ title “21st USCT” and the original regiments from which it was derived: “3rd 4th REG.”

Occupying the space between these streamers is an elaborate appliquéd design of loosely draped flags. The center flag is shaped as a coat of arms, and features a raised metal buckle that was affixed during the time the banner toured in Wales following the end of the war. The buckle’s square base is engraved, “CDYA / 21st REG. / USCT.”

An ivory disk, framed within the upper circular portion of the buckle like a locket photograph, carries a notation in Welsh of Atlantic Monthly magazine’s sponsorship of the traveling display. 

Crowning the overall Greek edifice is a brightly hued triangular facade. There is a Masonic-influenced, intertwined insignia of “CT” (Colored Troops) in the center, and a bullion wire wreath of stars extends away from the banner surface in a semi-circular halo around an “E Pluribus Unum” American eagle seal.

One final element of the inner banner’s elaborate imagery is a Native-American, striped textile that forms the background of the Greek columns. This hemp blanket appears to be an example of the type of battle flag that was presented to some Confederate regiments by the Choctaw Indians. Its incorporation into this Union banner highlights a Civil War ritual practiced by both Southern and Northern regiments. Often, victors of a confrontation would cut small pieces from the losing side’s regimental flags. These captured colors served as a talismanic reminder of triumph and, for a number of the Union’s African-American infantries, a form of tribal hex against the enemy.

While the hemp blanket of the banner provides a small but important background to the design’s Greek columns, the entire pillared hearth has as its backdrop a velour fabric, decorated along its bottom edge with maroon and white tassels. A ribbon trim borders all four sides of this velour backing, with the top and bottom pieces exhibiting a pattern of metallic floral designs that rise from the banner’s surface. Each of the twelve ornaments on the upper ribbon perimeter appears directly below a pelmet loop, and it was these velour loops through which a crossbar would run to support the banner for display.

As for the outer banner, the mauve, floral-stitched silk periphery is framed by a 1″ ribbon perimeter, adorned along its bottom edge with gilded fringe. This silk portion of the overall piece received minor restoration work in 1923-24.  

 At the center of the tapestry’s lower margin is an oval inlaid design that prominently proclaims “FREEDOM TO SLAVES!” below an American eagle seal and a raised triangular “A” insignia.  Flanking these patriotic identifiers are encircled notations of “CG”—presumably an abbreviation for the “Charleston Garrison” that the 21st Regiment so successfully defended. 

Affixed to a top corner of its reverse, the backing tapestry features two prominent 19th Century labels from “The Barnet and District / AUCTIONS SURVEY AND ESTATE OFFICES / WHITE, SON & PILL.” In addition, along the top of the reverse are two corded handles for carrying the banner, as well as a 35″ x 7″ swatch of textured fabric atop which is printed in large black lettering, “True as the Stars that are Shining.”

Organized from the 3rd, 4th and 5th Regiments, South Carolina Colored Infantry, March 14, 1864. Attached to the 3rd Brigade, Vogdes’ Division, District of Florida, Department of the South, to April, 1864. Morris Island, S.C., Northern District, Department of the South, to October, 1864. 1st Separate Brigade, Department of the South, to February, 1865. Garrison of Charleston, S.C., Department of the South, to August 1865. Department of the South, to October, 1865.

SERVICE – Duty at Jacksonville, Florida, until April, 1864. Moved to Hilton Head, S.C., then to Folly Island, S.C., April 18. Duty on Folly Island, Morris Island and Coles Island, operating against Charleston, S.C., June 30 – July 10. Action on James Island, July 2. Occupation of Charleston and Mt. Pleasant, S.C., until August, 1865.  The 21st Regiment garrisoned Charleston and nearby Mount Pleasant through the end of the war,  and at various points in South Carolina and Georgia until October, 1866.  Mustered out, [April 25, 1866].

Source: Dyer’s Compendium, p. 1727

Note:  Organization of 5th Regiment not completed. Was transferred to the 3rd and 4th South Carolina Volunteers.

Jay D. Johnson

Coronavirus — Statistics by country

last update: 06. 10.2022 15:03

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Here is information on the total number of infected, dead, sick, recovered in different countries of the world.
A separate page provides additional data on the number of tests as well as infection rates in these countries.
Data is available for those countries that report statistics on coronavirus infection COVID-19.

• Europe
• Asia
• North America
• South America
• Africa
• Australia and Oceania

3
+3489

Country	only infections		Deadly Cases		recovered		9000
	1459		167712		514
Уганда	169396		3628		100431		65337
Namibia	169253		4065	9000 9000 9000 9000 9000 9000 053	12652328 +652	+652	257661 +9	+9	11	+3489	4

• According to: https://www. worldometers.info/coronavirus/

Also interested in:

Our informer:
Coronavirus in Ukraine online

• See also:
  • Coronavirus COVID-19: general statistics
  • Coronavirus: statistics by countries
  • Coronavirus: statistics on infections and testing
  • Map of COVID-19 infections by countries of the world
  • Coronavirus in Ukraine
  • Vaccination against coronavirus in the world
  • Number of vaccinations against coronavirus vaccination

  against coronavirus in Ukraine

  • Vaccines against coronavirus

Yellow fever

Key Facts

Yellow fever is an acute viral haemorrhagic disease transmitted by infected mosquitoes. «Yellow» it is called because of the jaundice that develops in some patients. Up to 50% of people who develop severe illness die from yellow fever. An estimated 200,000 cases of yellow fever occur worldwide every year, 30,000 of which are fatal, 90% of them in Africa. This virus is endemic in tropical regions of Africa and Latin America with a total population of more than 900 million people. Over the past two decades, the number of cases of yellow fever has increased as a result of declining population immunity to infection, deforestation, urbanization, population migration and climate change. There is no cure for yellow fever. Only symptomatic treatment is possible, aimed at alleviating symptoms for a more comfortable condition of patients. Vaccination is the most important measure to prevent yellow fever. The vaccine is safe, affordable and highly effective. It provides protection for 30-35 years or more. For 9In 5% of vaccinated people, the vaccine provides effective immunity one week after immunization. Yellow fever vaccination is highly recommended for those traveling outside urban areas in endemic countries (Africa and South America) that do not officially report cases and do not usually require a certificate to enter the country.

Vaccination against yellow fever is nearly 100% effective, while mortality from the disease reaches 60% in non-immune adults. The tolerability of modern vaccines is excellent. The only contraindication, in addition to a true allergy to the protein of chicken eggs, is the insufficiency of cellular immunity (congenital or acquired, the latter can only be temporary). A vaccination certificate can only be valid if it meets the requirements for its issuance and if the vaccine used is approved by WHO and the vaccination was given at a certified yellow fever vaccination center.

The validity of the vaccination certificate is 10 years, starting from the 10th day after the day of vaccination. If a person is revaccinated before the expiration of this period, the validity is extended for a further 10 years, starting from the date of immunization. If the revaccination is recorded on a new certificate form, it is recommended to keep the previous vaccination certificate for 10 days from the date of the revaccination, until the expiration date of the new certificate begins.

List of countries requiring an international certificate of vaccination against yellow fever (in accordance with the letter of the Ministry of Health of the Russian Federation dated 05. 06.1997 No. 2510 / 4106-97-32 «On changing the requirements for vaccination against yellow fever when Russian citizens travel to foreign countries»)

Benin

Burkina Faso

Gabon

Ghana

Zaire

Cameroon

Congo

Ivory Coast

Liberia

Mauritania

Mali

Niger

Rwanda

Sao Tome and Principe

Togo

French Guiana

Central African Republic

List of countries endemic for yellow fever or with zones endemic for this infection, upon entry (or transit with a stopover) it is recommended to carry an International Certificate of Yellow Fever Vaccination:

South America	Africa
Venezuela	Angola
Bolivia	Burundi
Brazil	Gambia
Guyana	Guinea
Columbia	Guinea-Bissau
Panama	Zambia
Suriname	Kenya
Ecuador	Nigeria
	Senegal
	Somalia
	Sudan
	Sierra Leone
	Tanzania
	Uganda
	Chad
	Equatorial Guinea
	Ethiopia

Tourists are advised to get vaccinated against yellow fever

Russian epidemiologists urge citizens who are leaving for some countries in South America and Africa to be vaccinated against yellow fever. According to the World Health Organization, the number of people infected with this disease has increased significantly in recent years.

As MK was told in the Federal Service for Supervision of Consumer Rights Protection and Human Welfare, deadly mosquito bites have become more frequent in Guinea, Brazil and the Gambia, and in Mali yellow fever was registered for the first time in the last 10 years. At the same time, only 16 countries require tourists to have an international certificate of vaccination. Another 27 countries where there are outbreaks of the epidemic are limited to recommendations to get vaccinated before entering the country. These are Angola, Burundi, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Mauritania, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda, Tanzania, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Bolivia, Brazil, Venezuela, Guyana, Guiana, Colombia, Panama, Peru, Suriname, Trinidad and Ecuador. In a word, tourists going there should take care of their own safety. And the only way of salvation that medicine can offer people today is a vaccine that is valid for 10 years.

Up-to-date information on the cost of this service can be obtained from the List of medical services provided by the BHI UR «URC AIDS and IZ» for a fee.

Visiting Putin

The Russia-Africa Summit, which is being held in Sochi on October 23-24 under the chairmanship of the Presidents of Russia and Egypt, Vladimir Putin and Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, should demonstrate, according to the plan of the Russian organizers, the «return of greatness» of the Kremlin to continent. Moscow is preparing to pose a serious challenge to the United States, China and the European Union in Africa, including the military one.

The summit in Sochi brought together a truly record number of African rulers — the heads of 43 countries and governments arrived, and 11 more states are represented at the level of ministers and ambassadors. According to Russian presidential aide Yury Ushakov, about 10,000 participants have been invited to the event. Egyptian President al-Sisi became co-chairman of the Sochi meeting not only as the leader of one of the most powerful military-political countries in Africa, but also as the head of the African Union.

Banner at the entrance to Sochi

In recent years, the Kremlin has begun to spread its influence throughout Africa in the most active way. Russian military, officials and political technologists are already working in almost 30 African countries. Moscow drew attention to Africa primarily as a resource-rich region, influence in which could partially compensate for the lack of financial and other resources in competition with the West. But today, for the Kremlin, Africa is also becoming increasingly important as an ideological platform. This is a continent where Russia hopes to regularly demonstrate to Western countries, primarily the United States, its success in restoring «the geopolitical greatness lost with the collapse of the USSR.»

A detailed analysis of Russia’s methods of expansion in African countries was recently presented by the Proekt publication, which wrote about the vigorous activity of employees and armed mercenaries of Russian businessman Yevgeny Prigozhin, close to Vladimir Putin, in dozens of states on the continent. Western publications and Radio Liberty, which organized several of its own investigations, repeatedly wrote about this expansion.

See also

From Bangui to Benghazi. Air «minibuses» of the Ministry of Defense

For several years, Russian emissaries in Africa have been confidently and quite skillfully fomenting old territorial and ethnic conflicts and stirring up anti-Western, «anti-colonial» sentiments in local societies — Radio Liberty experts and Western publications, for example, the British The Times and the French Liberation. Prigozhin’s political technologists help local leaders who have expressed their readiness to support the interests of Russia and the business interests of Yevgeny Prigozhin himself (for example, one of his firms Lobaye Invest ), to win elections. Then the winners are supplied with money and weapons, concluding deals with them, public and private, of the most diverse kind — from mining and rebuilding agriculture to the construction of various points of «military support and training. »

Russian Gazprom is increasingly active in Algeria, despite the recent change of power in that country – where Russian geologists have discovered three new gas fields – and in Libya, although Russian activity there has noticeably stalled since 2011, the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi and the beginning of civil war. Today, Gazprom is also interested in participating in the construction of a huge gas pipeline linking Nigeria, rich in hydrocarbons, via Algeria with Europe. And the Russian concern Lukoil has recently discovered a number of oil and gas fields in Ghana, Nigeria, Cameroon and Egypt.

See also

Libyan deal of the Kremlin. Who supports whom in the new war

The Russian agency Rosatom has recently signed agreements on joint nuclear projects with Egypt, Nigeria, Sudan, Kenya, Ghana, Zambia and Uganda. Russian-made nuclear power plants, which is constantly emphasized in Moscow, are much cheaper than their Western counterparts, although so far only Egypt has agreed to the construction of a nuclear power plant on its territory with the help of Russia — it should appear on the Mediterranean coast by 2028 or 2029year, and it will immediately have 4 reactors.

The world’s largest diamond producer, the Russian Alrosa group, began mining in Angola in 2003, at the Catoca deposit. At the same time, the Russians even built their own hydroelectric power station here to provide electricity to their enterprises. Since 2014, Alrosa has also been searching for new deposits in the country. Alrosa said in 2019 that it would also start mining diamonds and minerals in Zimbabwe.

See also

«Wild Geese» or «Dogs of War»? Russian mercenaries in Africa: who, where, how much

The aluminum giant, United Company RUSAL, previously subject to US-initiated international sanctions, is mining bauxite in Guinea. Recently, RUSAL decided to reopen an oil refinery in the same place, which has not been operating since 2012. Such Russian companies and holdings as Norilsk Nickel, Severstal or the gold mining company Nordgold are active in South Africa, Madagascar, Guinea and Burkina Faso.

Before the Sochi summit, the Federal Customs Service of Russia presented data on trade with African countries, which in 2018 amounted to $20 billion 400 million, of which more than $17 billion came from various Russian exports. Most of all Russian products (mostly weapons) were received by Egypt (more than $7 billion) and Algeria ($4 billion 800 million). But in general, these are still very small numbers — for example, Russia’s trade with Asian countries in the same 2018 exceeded $ 200 billion, that is, it was 10 more.

Apparently, this is precisely why the military component of Russia’s ties with African countries so far looks, at least from the Kremlin, the most promising. Russian President Vladimir Putin, in an interview with TASS before the summit in Sochi, confirmed that Moscow is now actively «cooperating in the military sphere» with the Central African Republic, Libya (without specifying which of the local military leaders who declared themselves the head of the country, he means), Sudan , Mozambique, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Zimbabwe, Rwanda, Cameroon, Mali, Niger, Chad and South Africa. He recalled that in 2018 Burkina Faso and Mauritania asked the Kremlin to send Russian troops to fight local Islamists and that Nigeria intends to invite Russian instructors to train its special forces.

Last year, in 2018, Moscow supplied arms to African countries totaling more than $2.36 billion. Since 2014, the Kremlin has concluded military cooperation agreements with more than 20 states on the continent. In most cases, we are talking about the education and training of local military personnel (since 2014, more than 2.5 thousand African officers have graduated from military universities in Russia), the supply of weapons, and the maintenance of military equipment already available there. Also, new official representations of the Russian Ministry of Defense open from time to time in African countries.

In an interview with Radio Liberty, Russia’s future plans and current successes in Africa are discussed by an African political scientist living in Cape Town Irina Filatova , Emeritus Professor at the University of Natal:

– The world is increasingly talking about «Russia’s return to Africa» , about various projects there with the participation of Moscow, about Russian political strategists in elections, about military agreements, about Russian mercenaries, and even about the official presence of Russian military personnel in one or another African country. Do you notice it in any way?

— Yes, it is, and there is certainly more information on this subject. Of course, Russian influence in Africa is not as noticeable as Chinese influence. This can be seen simply by the number of Chinese who work in different countries of the continent, by operating Chinese firms, by the fact that in South Africa, where I live, they are going to start teaching Chinese in schools. But reports of Russia’s military presence, for example, in the Central African Republic, of some business undertakings by Russian businessmen, have become more and more. We wrote a lot about the failed deal with Moscow for the construction of nuclear power plants in South Africa. Maybe now this deal will take place.

– Why Moscow needs African leaders is generally clear. But why do they need Vladimir Putin as a strategic partner, perhaps for years to come?

— They need Russia in order to be able to choose, as another alternative to everyone who offers business and friendship. In Africa, at least, this is how it is considered: Western countries impose very serious and difficult conditions for the provision of their assistance, they demand economic restructuring, democratic and civil reforms, transparent financial reporting, and so on. The Chinese, on the other hand, charge a high percentage for every penny they make, and they defend their business interests very harshly. Without interfering, however, in the politics of African countries. But Russia will do it — at least that’s what President Putin promises — in a completely different way. Moscow will not set strict conditions and will try financially to offer such parameters for all projects that African countries will be more comfortable observing. That is, for example, to make mutual settlements not in dollars, but in another currency.

As for the political side of the matter: after all, the African countries understand that they make up the largest bloc in the United Nations, their voices are loud and they are ready to discuss it. If Moscow managed to improve relations with this bloc, then this would certainly be beneficial for Russia from a political point of view. And above all, of course, to President Vladimir Putin and his administration. Putin very often talks about the need to rebuild the modern global «world architecture», and in this respect Russia has a certain role to play for Africa.

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— The ideological component was the basis of the cooperation of the Soviet Union with various African regimes and rulers during the Cold War era. Today, signing any agreements with Russia, in the current international conditions, African presidents and prime ministers understand that they will again be forced to take one of the sides of the barricade? Do they understand, besides the benefits, all the risks of friendship with Russia?

– During the years of the Cold War, many African countries benefited from friendship with the USSR, among other things, from the fact that one could always quickly «change sides». That is, they were courted and courted from different sides, by these regimes. Still, there was no sharp division into «enemies» and «allies» of Moscow and Washington in Africa; in many cases, African governments managed to receive money, funds, and assistance from both sides. Of course, there were examples when the future of a single state was already tightly tied (seemingly) for many years to the USSR or the West. I think that even now there is no realization that such a binding to someone for many years is possible. African leaders hope to get help, money, weapons, and then — «who will force us to do what?». There is another important detail, namely: after all, anti-Western sentiments are very, very strong in African countries. And getting a foreign policy partner who has just as strong these very sentiments seems to many to be beneficial.

– How alive is the memory of the influence and presence of the Soviet Union in Africa in the 20th century on the continent? Or is it that, except for the elderly, no one remembers?

— The USSR did not have colonies in Africa. From this point of view, many have a memory in perfect order: «there were no Russian colonies and protectorates, they did not oppress us.» On the other hand, the fact that the USSR helped everyone in the liberation struggle is also remembered. It is not concrete, but very abstract, but still in this abstract form it is present. In some countries, it is certainly more present, this is where a bloody armed struggle has been going on for a long time. Say, against apartheid, as in South Africa, or, as in Namibia, against occupation, and so on. And in those states to which the USSR did not provide very large military-political support, but to which Moscow later helped build socialism, this memory is less there and not so unambiguous. There, people who studied in the Soviet Union remember «friendship with the Russians», and they remember it not unkindly, let’s say so. Because after all, it was their youth. And this is a special time, youth — it’s always somehow «everything was fine.» The fact that later, as a result of the development of these socialist experiments, the economy completely collapsed, yes, they also remember, but much less. But perhaps everyone has anti-Western sentiments.

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– Now in Moscow there is quite a lot of talk about how the Soviet Union helped African countries get rid of this notorious colonial dependence and then resist the generalized “world imperialism” represented by the West. Over the past decades, it turns out that the attitude of African politicians to that time and to similar topics has not changed? Because the current politicians are already young people, by the standards of the time, and they definitely did not find any colonialism themselves. Or are these old wounds still not going to heal — and in the Kremlin, in general, these old cards are played correctly?

— It’s not so much about the wounds, but about the political narrative. For example, in South Africa, anti-Western sentiments are now experiencing just another rise: «Here, they oppressed us, it was all terrible, and slavery, and the slave trade, and apartheid, and colonialism, they will never atone for sins. » And modern politicians who have not experienced anything of this and have not participated in any struggle, still classify themselves as «fighters». And they use this anti-Western narrative anyway, because it is popular among the masses. And it’s getting more and more inflated. And there is ground for such inflation — because not everything works out, to put it mildly. And when «it doesn’t work out», then you need to find someone to blame it all on. Naturally, not on their own mistakes, not on wild corruption, not on the inability to govern the state, not on the lack of educated personnel, but on someone completely alien. And the West is a very convenient candidate for the role of such a «scapegoat».

When «it doesn’t work out», you need to find someone to blame it all on. And the West is a very convenient candidate for the role of «scapegoat»

— In this case, today’s Russia and many African countries really have a lot in common. The very image of an external enemy — and the West always acts as this enemy — as an excuse for all stupidities, crimes, mistakes and failures.

— Absolutely. And this, of course, helps Russian policy in Africa. Moscow and the African capitals will absolutely splendidly support each other politically in this field. But, on the other hand, at first the Chinese were also very welcomed for the same reason, and it all sounds familiar: «China did not have colonies, they were our friends.» And if they weren’t really such friends, then all the same «this is not the West, this is a third party.» And now these joyful expectations have subsided, and many African countries are dissatisfied with the Chinese presence on their soil. I think it is possible that the same thing could happen to Russia in Africa.

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— But so far, the neo-colonialists represented by Russian officials, military and businessmen in Africa are not at all afraid, as I understand it? Do the magic words «large financial loan» make you forget all caution?

— In this case, momentary money, yes, outweighs.